Habib Jalib was born in 1928 in Hoshiarpur,
Jalib's poetry entered another phase as Pakistan drifted away from democracy with the imposition of Martial Law by General Ayub Khan, the first military dictator of
Habib Jalib was a populist poet. He was a clear departure from the mainstream Urdu poetic tradition where the poet preferred to live in his ivory tower away from the rough and tumble active life. He was in fact much closer to the Punjabi tradition where the poet was also an activist fighting on all front, usually either landing in jail or forced into exile. Going to jail was thus a professional hazard because Jalib was irrepressible and could not hold back in the face of repressive measures by successive government. A totally dispossessed man, he was fearless in his confrontation with the government and was therefore much feared by the powers that be. He had to be populist because he was topical and engaged the anti-people policies in his verses which became instant slogans and were more deadly than the deadliest of bullets. His verses galvanised scattered opposition and inspired hope among the common urban dwellers. These easy to understand verses thus were more effective as their outreach was more than that of the more respected poets.
Habib Jalib was first imprisoned during the martial law regime of Ayub Khan due to his defiant views on Ayub Khan's capitalistic policies. The popularity of Habib Jalib surged up tremendously after his poem “Dastoor” (the Constitution) which he wrote in response to the imposition of a “new” constitution by General Ayub Khan, in June 1962. The constitution was a turning point in our history which derailed
Criticising those who supported Ayub Khan's regime he said:
Kahin gas ka dhuan hae
kahin golion ki baarish
Shab-e-ehd-e-kum nigahi
tujhay kis tarah sarahein
(There is smoke of teargas in the air and the bullets are raining all around. How can I praise thee, the night of the period of shortsightedness) [1] A humble man with limited means of livelihood, Jalib's character was above board. He could never reconcile with the dictatorship of Ayub Khan. So when Ayub enforced his tailor-made constitution in the country in 1962, which a former prime minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali likened to the Clock Tower of Lyallpur, Jalib wrote his famous poem:
Whose light shines only in palaces
And carries the joys of only a few people
That derives its strength from others' weaknesses
That system, like a dawn without light
I refuse to acknowledge, I refuse to accept
The history of Pakistan is flooded with compromises, plaguing every segment of society including politicians, judges, bureaucrats, scholars etc. We as a people have managed to secure an ultra strong “digestive system” for tyranny, injustice, and other social excesses. Our sociocultural decay thus is not by accident but rather a consequence of this indifference, among many other factors.
Due to his daring revolt against the order of the day, Jalib was banned from official media but he remained undeterred. He rather started a tirade against the tyranny with more resolution. It reached its zenith when Fatima Jinnah decided to contest elections against Ayub Khan. All democratic forces rallied around her and at her election meetings, Jalib used to recite his fiery poems in front of an emotionally-charged crowd. His most popular poem at that time was:
Maa kay paon talay jannat hai idhar aa jao
(The paradise is under the feet of the mother. So come into her fold)
During General Zia-ul-Haq's dictatorship, Jalib joined movement for democracy. He wrote the famous poem on Zia, where he asked how he could write darkness as "Zia". Note that Zia means light in Urdu.
Darkness as light, hot desert wind as a morning breeze
how can I write a human as God?
When Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power, it was assumed that Jalib would enjoy some peace because of similarities between his sociopolitical views (anti-capitalism) and the PPP manifesto. This was however not to be. As Bhutto grew more powerful in the wake of the weakened military after the surrender of
When Bhutto was hanged by another military dictator, General Zia-ul-Haq, Jalib wrote a poem against the “justice” of the military ruler, thereby initiating another thread of confrontation against the new military rule. He actively participated in the movement for the restoration of democracy and faced hardships from the Zia regime, and was once again sent to jail.
In 1988, General Zia-ul-Haq died in air crash and general elections were held. Benazir Bhutto came into power and released Habib Jalib. Fortunes were distributed to those who supported the government rather than those who supported democracy. Disappointed at the state of the nation, when asked if he felt any change after democracy, he said,
"Haal ab tak wahi hain ghareeboan kay
Din phiray hain faqat waziroan kay
her Bilawal hai Dais ka maqrooz
paoon nangay hain Benazeeroan kay"
(The status of the poor is still the same
the days of the ministers have indeed changed
every Bilawal(Benazir’s son) of the country is under debt
while Benazirs (literally the poor) of the country walk without shoes)
Tu kay nawaqif-e-aadab-e-ghulami hae abhi
Raqs zanjeer pehan kar bhi kiya jata hai.
(You are not aware of the protocol of a king's court. Sometimes one has to dance (before them) with the fetters on.)
Benazir lost power in 1990 to Nawaz Sharif, in 1993 Habib Jalib died. His family refused a government offer to pay for his funeral expenses.
After his passing, Qateel Shifai expressed his sorrow and grief in these words:
Apney sarey dard bhula kar auron ke dukh sehta tha
Hum jub ghazlain kehtey thay wo aksar jail main rehta tha
Aakhir kar chala hi gya wo rooth kar hum farzanon se
Wo deewana jisko zamana Jalib Jalib kehta tha
Habib Jalib was a progressive thinker and politician in the National Awami Party, who supported the restoration of democracy during the period of Military Rule in Pakistan and had been imprisoned for his views.
One of the most popular Awami (people’s) Poet, known for the melody in his ghazals and the loud voice of dissent against despotism and the established order in Pakistan. He was always at the forefront of the struggle for democracy.
His poetry can be divided into two parts; the first comprises ghazals composed during the period when Jalib has chosen to keep a somewhat low profile. The pitch of his protest became gradually louder in his ghazals and nazams, but the melody remained untouched.
Habib Jalib was not a spectator, but an active player. His poetry reflects the pulse of the masses. He was a true “representative” of the people of
Jalib’s poetry reflected his vision and approach to life. He never deviated from his chosen path. His love for humankind, his sympathy for the underdog and his passion for the fellow-beings were reflected in his verses. What is quite significant and somewhat rare in a poet who is also charged with political ideology is his capacity to suppress his anger against the injustices and tyrannies that he witnesses in life.
और सब भूल गए हर्फे-सदाक़त लिखना
रह गया काम हमारा ही बगावत लिखना
न सिले की न सताइश की तमन्ना हमको
हक में लोगों के हमारी तो है आदत लिखना.
हम ने तो भूलके भी शह का कसीदा न लिखा
शायद आया इसी खूबी की बदौलत लिखना.
दह्र के ग़म से हुआ रब्त तो हम भूल गए
सर्व-क़ामत की जवानी को क़यामत लिखना.
कुछ भी कहते हैं कहें शह के मुसाहिब 'जालिब'
रंग रखना यही अपना, इसी सूरत लिखना
Jalib himself remained a victim of a cruel social order. He was imprisoned for some time after being wrongly implicated in various crimes.
With no regular source of income he had a rootless existence but he never considered compromising with his tormentors and coming to terms with established order. And yet Jalib’s poetry only reflects his anguish. It is not an expression of his anger or frustration. At times it is pensive, couched in sarcasm but his typical soft melodious tone is always there. He believed that the Pakistani leaders should stop obeying the Westerners. His following famous poem reflects this.
Agar may farangi ka darbaan hota
Tho jeena kis kadar aasaan hota
Meray bachay bhi amreeka may parthay
Har garmi may main Inglistaan hota
Meree English bhi balaa ki chusth hotee
Balaa say jo na main Urdu-daan hota
Sar jhuka kay jo ho jaata sar main
Tho leader bhi azeem-u-shaan hota
Zameenain meree har soobay may hoteen
May wallah sadr-e-Pakistan hota
Jalib was a product of the progressive movement in the Pakistan but later he became a movement all by himself.
Despite his meagre and irregular income, Jalib never compromised on principles and values and continued his struggle for freedom, justice and humanity till his death on March 12, 1993.
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Habib Jalib
ye aur baat terii galii me.n na aaye.n ham
lekin ye kyaa ki shahar teraa chho.D jaaye.n ham
muddat hu_ii hai kuu-e-butaa.N kii taraf gaye
aavaaragii se dil ko kahaa.N tak bachaaye.n ham
[muddat = long time; kuu = lane; butaa.N = beloved]
shaayad ba_qaid-e-ziist ye saa_at na aa sake
tum daastaan-e-shauq suno aur sunaaye.n ham
[ba_qaid-e-ziist = within the prison of life (while alive)]
[saa_at = moment; daastaan = story/tale]
be_nuur ho chukii hai bahut shahar kii fazaa
taariik raasto.n me.n kahii.n kho na jaaye.n ham
[be_nuur = without light; taariik = dark]
us ke ba_Gair aaj bahut jii udaas hai
‘Jalib’ chalo kahii.n se use Dhuu.NDh laaye.n ham
[ba_Gair = without]
"India was the mother of our race and Sanskrit the mother of Europe's languages. She was the mother of our philosophy, mother through the Arabs, of much of our mathematics, mother through Buddha, of the ideals embodied in Christianity, mother through village communities of self-government and democracy. Mother India is in many ways the mother of us all."
- Will Durant
Readers, In this article we will summarise the myth & the truth of Aryan invasion theory as Aryan Race and Invasion Theory is not a subject of academic interest only, rather it conditions our perception of India's historical evolution, the sources of her ancient glorious heritage, and indigenous socio-economic-political institutions which have been developed over the millennium.
One of the main ideas used to interpret and generally devalue the ancient history of India is the theory of the Aryan invasion. According to this account, India was invaded and conquered by nomadic light-skinned Indo-European tribes from Central Asia around 1500-100 BC, who overthrew an earlier and more advanced dark-skinned Dravidian civilization from which they took most of what later became Hindu culture. This so-called pre-Aryan civilization is said to be evidenced by the large urban ruins of what has been called the "Indus valley culture" (as most of its initial sites were on the Indus River). The war between the powers of light and darkness, a prevalent idea in ancient Aryan Vedic scriptures, was thus interpreted to refer to this war between light and dark skinned peoples. The Aryan invasion theory thus turned the "Vedas", the original scriptures of ancient India and the Indo-Aryans, into little more than primitive poems of uncivilized plunderers.
It is indeed ironic that the origin of this theory does not lie in Indian records, but in 19th Century politics and German nationalism. Nowhere in the Vedas, Puranas (Hindu script) or Itihasas (history) there any mention of a Migration or Invasion of any kind. This idea totally foreign to the history of India.
Current archaeological data do not support the existence of an Indo Aryan or European invasion into South Asia at any time in the prior protohistoric periods. Instead, it is possible to document archeologically a series of cultural changes reflecting indigenous cultural development from prehistoric to historic periods. The early Vedic literature describes not a human invasion into the area, but a fundamental restructuring of indigenous society. The Indo-Aryan invasion as an academic concept in 18th and 19th century Europe reflected the cultural milieu of the period. Linguistic data were used to validate the concept that in turn was used to interpretarchaeological and anthropological data.
Along with the difference of language there is a difference of skin colour from north to south of India, with the southerners being darker in skin colour (though northerners are hardly light in colour by Western standards, with the exception of some people of the far northwest).
Though a less pronounced difference than that of language it has been lumped together along with it again assuming that race and language must be the same. The Aryan invasion theory has been used to explain both the linguistic and racial differences between the peoples of North and South India, and such differences have been put forth as "proof" of the invasion (as if no other explanation were possible).
It is important to examine the social and political implications of the Aryan invasion idea:
With so much evidence against the Aryan Invasion theory, one wonders as to why this ugly vestige of British imperialism is still taught in Indian schools today! Such serious misconceptions can only be reconciled by accepting that the Aryans were the original inhabitants of the Indus Valley region, and not a horde of marauding foreign nomads. Such an Invasion never occurred.
It is unfortunate that this approach has not been questioned more, particularly by Hindus. Even though Indian Vedic scholars like Dayananda saraswati, Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Arobindo rejected it, most Hindus today passively accept it. They allow Western, generally Christian, scholars to interpret their history for them and quite naturally Hinduism is kept in a reduced role. Many Hindus still accept, read or even honor the translations of the 'Vedas' done by such Christian missionary scholars as Max Muller, Griffith, Monier Williams and H. H. Wilson. Would modern Christians accept an interpretation of the Bible or Biblical history done by Hindus aimed at converting them to Hinduism? Universities in India also use the Western history books and Western Vedic translations that propound such views that denigrate their own culture and country.
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